logical form and non-indexical relativism

Although at points the terminology used in the contextualism/relativism literature has been very confusing, recent work by MacFarlane and Weatherson seems to be focusing the terminology a bit. MacFarlane’s paper ‘Non-Indexical Contextualism’ does a really nice job mapping logical space (here, pdf). I’m going to follow Weatherson because it’s going to be easier for my purposes (the details of this are here (pdf), but I’m quoting from here). Weatherson distinguishes between two different ways a view can neglect assessor-sensitivity. That is, they can either accept (T) or (U):

(U) The content of what is said by an utterance is the same relative to any assessor

(T) The truth value of something that is the content of an utterance is the same relative to any assessors

Obviously, there is a view that holds (U) but rejects (T) about some domain \phi. On this view, the content of \phi-propositions is the same relative to any assessor, but the extension of those propositions is relative to assessors. Weatherson labels this view non-indexical relativism.

MacFarlane and Mark Richard have defended non-indexical relativism (see here and here (both pdfs) for MacFarlane and here for Richard). MacFarlane has defended non-indexical relativism about epistemic modals (see the first paper linked in the first sentence above). Non-indexical relativism, he thinks, allows him to solve the problem of disagreement that plagues the indexical contextualist (which is a popular view on the matter). The indexical contextualist accepts both (T) and (U). The problem of disagreement can be seen by considering Ned and Fred (an example similar to this is given by Kratzer somewhere; I cannot remember where). Ned, let’s say, is 15 feet away from a street corner. Fred is 50 feet from the same street corner. A person is approaching the corner. Fred has poor eyesight, and thus cannot see the corner all that well. He utters (1)

(1) That might be Zed.

Since Ned is closer and has better eyesight, he knows that it isn’t Zed. So, he utters (2),

(2) That cannot be Zed.

The indexicalist holds that the content of (1) and (2) is a function of what Ned knows and what Fred knows (obviously I’m assuming some stuff about epistemic modals; hopefully mostly everyone follows what I’m skipping in the interests of time). But since Ned and Fred know differing amounts of information, the indexicalist has it that Ned and Fred aren’t disagreeing. That is, Ned isn’t denying a proposition that Fred is affirming. But, intuitively, he is, and thus they are disagreeing. Nevertheless, it seems as if both Ned and Fred are saying something true. The indexical contextualist gets this result only if she saddles herself with the problem with disagreement.

The non-indexical relativist, however, can solve this problem. Since she’s a non-indexicalist, she can say that Ned and Fred are disagreeing about the same proposition. However, since she is a relativist (i.e. since she denies (T)), she can hold that (1) is true from Fred’s point of assessment and (2) is true from Ned’s point of assessment.

So far, I’ve just sketched some background for what I’m worried about. Kai von Fintel and Thony Gillies have attacked relativism (see here, pdf). They focus on epistemic modals, and they explicitly say that MacFarlane’s view is one they are attacking. They offer up a proposal about the logical form of sentences like (1). So, they hold that the logical form of (1) is (3),

(3) might (B) (\phi)

where \phi is the prejacent (or the proposition being quantified over) and B restricts the quantification. They then give an interpretation of B for the contextualist (i.e. someone who accepts (U)). That interpretation is (4):

(4) [[B]]c ,i = {v : v is compatible with the c-relevant information at i}

where c is the context and i is an world-time index. From (4), we can formalize what it takes for a proposition like (1) to be true,

(5) [[might(B)(\phi)]]c ,i =1 if and only if ∃w ∈ [[B]]c ,i: [[\phi]]c ,w,ti =1

So far, so good. They then try to give similar formalizations for the relativist. (6) is how they assign the denotation for B,

(6) [[B]]c ,i,a ={v : v is compatible with what ja knows at ta in wa}

where ja is some judge (or assessor) and ta is the time of assessment and wa is the world where the assessing takes place. They they give (7) as an analogue of (5)

(7) [[might(B)(\phi)]]c ,i,a =1 if and only if ∃w ∈ [[B]]c ,i,a : [[\phi]]c ,w,ti ,a = 1

However, thisdoesn’t seem like the correct formalization for non-indexical relativism. Instead, this seems like a formalization of indexical relativism. That’s because (3) and (6) result in points of assessment getting into how content is fixed. Thus, it’s not at all clear that indexical relativism can solve the problem concerning disagreement. Thus, when von Fintel and Gillies attack views that accept (6), they are not attacking MacFarlane. This is a problem considering they think they are attacking MacFarlane.

An interesting question arises, however. How should we formalize non-indexical relativism? As far as I know, Andy Egan’s centered world approach is the only explicit attempt at fixing what the content is supposed to be (I think Tamina Stephenson’s view is like Egan’s, but I’m not entirely sure). Any help with how to do this is greatly appreciated.

By the way, aside from being interested in epistemic modals, I’m also interested in how this all relates to the semantics of ‘ought’. I want to defend non-indexical relativism about ‘ought.’ I’m writing a paper on this right now, and I initially used the von Fintel and Gillies formalizations. But after trying to convert their formalizations about ‘might’ and ‘must’ to ‘ought,’ I realized that they didn’t give correct formalizations for non-indexical relativism.

Update July 7th: Tamina’s view is equivalent to Egan’s. Also, as Nate has pointed out in the comments, Kai and Thony’s relativist is equivalent to Tamina and Egan’s. Finally, and also because of Nate, I should point out that Kai and Thony’s relativist proposal does preserve content across points of assessment. Unfortunately, I’m still puzzled about the dialectic. See my comment below.

~ by Errol Lord on July 5, 2008.

10 Responses to “logical form and non-indexical relativism”

  1. I considered similar issues in a post I wrote a while back (see here, Q2 and Q3).

    That said, I don’t think what you’ve written here is right. On the standard Kaplanian picture, “content” is determined by evaluating the value the interpretation function [[ ]] assigns to the sentence with respect to the context parameter. But on the view you call “indexical relativism,” [[might(B)(p)]]c is constant. So the Kaplanian content is invariant across points of assessment.

    So I take it that you mean something else by “content” — probably truth-conditional content (i.e., the right-half of the biconditional formalizations)? In which case, in order to formalize non-indexical relativism, you’ll want a proposal that makes truth-conditions invariant across points of assessment. But then how are we going to get different truth-values across different points of assessment, if the truth-conditions are invariant across them? I think this begins to make vivid your worry about how we are to go about formalizing non-indexical relativism as a semantic proposal.

    These worries are pretty half-baked, and I don’t really expect you to have an answer to them. What I really want to know is what your reasons are for thinking that (7) “is a formalization of indexical relativism.” That should help clear things up for me.

    * As a footnote, both Tamina and Andy’s proposals seem to me to be best formalized by the proposal given in Thony and Kai’s paper, Tamina’s pretty clearly so. Why do you think otherwise?

  2. Whoops, small correction. I wrote that “on the view you call ‘indexical relativism,’ [[might(B)(p)]]c is constant.” It’s constant, modulo indexicals. But B is not an indexical in the Kaplanian sense, since [[B]]c is invariant, for all c.

    If we pretend (as Thony and Kai would like us to) that our intermediate formal language is strictly that of propositional logic, then we can pretend that might(B)(p) contains no indexicals and that what I said in the above post is literally true.

  3. [...] and non-indexical relativism about epistemic modals July 7, 2008 Interesting discussion over at Errol Lord’s blog. Some related stuff in an earlier post of mine, [...]

  4. Nate,

    That is really helpful. First, the retractions. Tamina’s proposal is equivalent to Kai and Thony’s. I hadn’t looked at her paper for 6 months or so. I went back today and quickly realized it was equivalent. Since her proposal is equivalent to Andy’s (I think), his must be equivalent to Kai and Thony’s as well.

    Second, I now realize what a stupid mistake I was making when thinking about what the content is supposed to be on (e.g.) Tamina’s proposal. I actually think this stupidity is slightly encouraged by the way relativists argue for their view. Perhaps the best way to put the point is by answering your question about why I still don’t see why all of these views aren’t really indexical-relativist views.

    So, imagine I utter (1a):

    (1a) Nate might be in Ann Arbor.

    (1b) is the content of what I say according to (3) combined with (6).

    (1b) Nate being in Ann Arbor is compatible with what Errol knows at 3.45 pm in the actual world.

    Imagine MvR, being the caring philosophical mentor that he is, knows that you are in fact in Omaha because he went to visit you there today. Moreover, suppose that MvR hears me utter (1a) while watching me on his close circuited television system that he set up around the department. He then utters (2a):

    (2a) Nate cannot be in Ann Arbor.

    (2b) is the natural paraphrase for (2a) within the current framework:

    (2b) Nate being in Ann Arbor is not compatible with what MvR knows at 3.45 pm in the actual world.

    But if that is all MvR is saying, then I don’t understand why he and I are supposed to be disagreeing. This seems to me to be the position the indexical-relativist is in with the disagreement cases, not the position the non-indexical relativist should be in.

    On the other hand, though, the last sentence cannot be right. Kai and Thony’s proposal does retain content across points of assessment. But I don’t see how such a proposal can give an elegant response to the disagreement cases in the way that MacFarlane and others say it can.

    While I’m rambling, let me say that I get in moods where non-indexical relativism seems incoherent. If (3) and (6) are the right way of formulating the view, then it seems to me we’re just adding more context-sensitivity. Jason Stanley articulates these types of worries nicely. See especially the comment thread of this old Thoughts, Arguments, and Rants thread.

  5. Errol,

    I think it will make things clearer if we think about relativism as a
    proposal for augmenting the index parameter of the semantics (usually
    a world-time pair) with something extra: an assessor/judge parameter.
    Something like this:

    [[might(B)(p)]]c,(w,t,e) = 1 iff there’s a world w’ in [[B]]c,(w,t,e):
    [[p]]c,(w,t,e) = 1

    [[B]]c,(w,t,e) = {w’: w’ is compatible with what e knows in w at t}

    This is fine, since as far as I can tell the assessor parameter is
    behaving pretty much like an extra index in the relativist proposals
    I’m aware of. (Note: This isn’t precisely Andy’s view — Andy would
    construe B as defining a set of centered worlds, not worlds
    simpliciter — but it’s close enough for our purposes.)

    Anyway, you seem to be claiming that the content of the sentence
    “might(B)(p)” at a context c can be gotten just by reading off the
    right hand of the biconditional. That is, that the speaker of the
    sentence is saying that p compatible with what she knows. I still
    can’t tell why you think that. The assessor parameter (as with the
    world and time parameters) just doesn’t get into the assignment of
    content at all. Just consider how evaluation of contents at indices
    works in more mundane cases:

    [[my copy of On the Plurality of Worlds has a shoddy binding]]c,w = 1
    iff Nate’s copy of On the Plurality of Worlds has a shoddy binding at
    w.

    It would be wrong to say that in uttering “my copy of On the Plurality
    of Worlds has a shoddy binding” I am claiming that Nate’s copy of On
    the Plurality of Worlds has a shoddy binding at the world of
    utterance. For one, if it turns out that nate’s copy of on the
    plurality of worlds has a shoddy binding at the world of utterance,
    then what I say is necessarily true. Clearly, though, it’s only
    contingently true. The lesson is this: don’t be misled by the presence
    of index parameters in statements of truth-conditions. They’re just
    not a part of what sentences are in the business of communicating.

    A quick word about the problem of disagreement. Let A utter “might p”
    at c at (w,t), and let B utter “cannot p” at a different context d at
    (w,t). On the proposal I’ve described, A’s utterance expresses a
    function f from world, time, assessor triples to truth-values
    (equivalently, the set of world, time, assessor triples that this
    function maps to true; call this set “X”). B’s utterance expresses a
    function g from world, time, assessor triples to truth-values. Since
    [[might(B)(p)]] is context invariant (modulo indexicals, which I’ll
    continue to ignore), and assuming that “might” and “cannot” are duals,
    g defines a set that is the complement of X with respect to the
    universe of indices. So, from a formal point of view, it’s fairly
    clear how they’re disagreeing. One is expressing a set of triples that
    is just the complement of the other with respect to the universe. But
    this in no way rules out that both f(w,t,A) = g(w,t,B) = 1. Both can
    be speaking truly, even though B asserts the negation of what A
    asserts.

  6. Nate,

    Anyway, you seem to be claiming that the content of the sentence “might(B)(p)” at a context c can be gotten just by reading off the right hand of the biconditional. That is, that the speaker of the sentence is saying that p compatible with what she knows. I still can’t tell why you think that.

    The reason I was paraphrasing (1a) and (2a) with (1b) and (2b) was not because of the right hand of the biconditional. It was because of the presence of B in might(B)(p) and how B is defined. What role is the B playing?

    I realize that the right hand of the biconditional isn’t a good indicator of what proposition is being expressed (I hope that I was aware of this the whole time), but what I don’t get is what B is supposed to be doing. Its restricting the domain, sure. But how does this restriction relate to the content of the proposition expressed? Really, I cannot figure it out beyond my stabs at it with (1b) and (2b).

  7. Errol,

    As far as I can tell, the B is just a device for making the restriction argument of the modal (the domain) explicit in the syntax and truth-conditions. The crucial thing is that B is not an indexical; for the relativist, [[B]]c is invariant, for all c. So I’m having difficulty seeing why you would want to locate the supposed indexicality of the formalization with B.

    According to the relativist proposal, we don’t get a domain for the modal to quantify over at the context of utterance; we get it at the point of evaluation (the index). But I think pretty much everyone is happy to allow that there’s nothing strange — and certainly nothing peculiar to the relativist proposal — about this. “Modal bases” (functions from points of evaluation into domains [or things defining domains] of quantification) are the common currency of the modals literature (from Kratzer onward). No one seems to think they make the content of an epistemic modal index-dependent in any way.

  8. [...] Non-indexical relativism. [...]

  9. Nate,

    That is extremely helpful. It’s almost always hard to jump into an intricate literature, and these comments help clarify a lot.

  10. [...] Logical form and non-indexical relativism. Very interesting. I need to sit and ponder this one for a bit. (And sadly I just don’t have time) [...]

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